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Beyond benevolent neglect, the Trump administration has actively applauded British extremists who want an unsealed exit from the European Union, regardless of the cost to Northern Ireland. When the committee held a Brexit hearing almost two years ago, my colleague at Brookings, Tom Wright, described the government`s approach as “a predatory policy to immediately exploit the diarrhoea and weaknesses created by the Brexit process for the UK.” 24 The administration has doubled this approach. US President Donald Trump has called Brexit a “great thing.” 25 He encouraged the United Kingdom to abandon divorce talks with the EU,26 as an “enemy,” 27 in favour of a trade deal with former US security adviser John Bolton, announcing during a visit to London in August that he and Trump were “outgoing before there were subscribers.” 28 Vice-President Mike Pence, who was held in Dublin in early September with Irish Prime Minister Leo Varadkar, replaced the peace process before calling on Ireland and the EU to negotiate “in good faith” with the British government and “achieve an agreement that respects the sovereignty of the United Kingdom.” 29 As part of the agreement with May, the DUP agreed to “fully” comply with its obligations under the Good Friday Agreement, but the agreement does not contain benchmarks for support that should be provided. 14 Therefore, the GFA, as a common and reciprocal redefinition of British and Irish public sovereignty over Northern Ireland, was a remarkably incomplete and unfinished constitutional process. The withdrawal of the United Kingdom and its border problem in Ireland show that the 1998 agreement did not go far enough to provide for an explicit, indisputable and constitutional (new) definition of the Dublin and London obligations as the sovereign guarantee of the agreement. The result of these referendums was a large majority in both parts of Ireland in favour of the agreement. In the Republic, 56% of the electorate voted, 94% of the vote voted in favour of the revision of the Constitution. The turnout was 81% in Northern Ireland, with 71% of the vote for the agreement. The British government is virtually out of the game and neither parliament nor the British people have, as part of this agreement, the legal right to obstruct the achievement of Irish unity if it had the consent of the people of the North and The South… Our nation is and will remain a nation of 32 circles.

Antrim and Down are and will remain a part of Ireland, just like any southern county. [20] This scenario has been hovering for some time in the fanatical circles of Brexiteer, but it describes a lower level of diplomatic crime than any responsible government would evaporate. Johnson may not be reluctant enough. He does not seem to care about the Good Friday agreement, although he understands that the so-called “peace process” is a fine rhetorical ornament for speeches that justify the acts that undermine it. He has been as ruthless, unfaithful and selfish in his dealings with Northern Ireland as he has been in all his other relationships. Direct domination of London ended in Northern Ireland when power was formally transferred to the new Northern Ireland Assembly, the North-South Council and the Anglo-Irish Council when the opening decisions of the Anglo-Irish Agreement came into force on 2 December 1999. [15] [16] [17] Article 4, paragraph 2 of the Anglo-Irish Agreement (the agreement between the British and Irish governments on the implementation of the Belfast Agreement) required both governments to inquire in writing about compliance with the terms of entry into force of the Anglo-Irish Agreement; The latter is expected to come into effect as soon as both notifications are received. [18] The British government has agreed to participate in a televised ceremony at Iveagh House in Dublin, the Irish Foreign Office.